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Wednesday, July 03, 2024
Jurisdictionality and presidential immunity
On top of everything else that was bad in Trump, the majority and Justice Sotomayor use language that could be read to suggest that this immunity is a limit on the court's adjudicative jurisdiction rather than a defeat on the merits.
Discussing the first bucket of presidential conduct (conclusive and preclusive), Roberts quotes Youngstown that this bucket "'disables the Congress from acting upon the subject'" and Marbury that "the courts have 'no power to control [the President's] discretion'" and that discretion "cannot be subject to further judicial examination." He repeatedly speaks in the same breath of what Congress and the courts cannot do--"Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions;" Congress "may not criminalize the President's actions . . . Neither may courts adjudicate a criminal prosecution;" or the removal power "may not be regulated by Congress or reviewed by the courts." Justice Sotomayor does the same in arguing against immunity, as by insisting that "'common tribunals of justice should be at liberty to entertain jurisdiction of the offence'" or stating that "'judicial action is needed" such that "the exercise of jurisdiction is warranted.'"
To be fair, some of this comes from quoting old sources (Marbury and Story's Commentaries) or cases from before the Court grew more careful about using the word jurisdiction or speaking about courts exercising judicial power (Nixon v. Fitzgerald). But it would be unfortunate if the language causes courts (such as Judge Chutkin and the DC Circuit on remand) to backslide. Trump recognizes a disability on Congress and its legislative (or prescriptive) jurisdiction--Congress cannot enact criminal statutes that regulate certain presidential conduct. It is not a limit on the court's adjudicative authority, except in dictating how the courts must resolve any future attempt to prosecute a president and likely dismiss such a prosecution, if attempted.
Justice Barrett's distinct framing of immunity--as a challenge to the constitutional validity of the statute as applied to the President's conduct--also understands immunity as merits rather than jurisdictional limitation. Where the would-be statute of conviction is constitutionally invalid as-applied, the court is not stripped of adjudicative jurisdiction; it rejects the prosecution on the merits due to a defect in the congressionally enacted substantive law.
Posted by Howard Wasserman on July 3, 2024 at 11:02 AM in Civil Procedure, Constitutional thoughts, Howard Wasserman, Judicial Process, Law and Politics | Permalink
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