Friday, January 05, 2018

"Fire and Fury" is not The Pentagon Papers

There is a tendency (to which I have been susceptible) to treat Donald Trump's norm-breaking as a constitutional crisis. The latest is the response to the cease-and-desist letter that Trump's  private attorneys sent to the publishers of the forthcoming Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House. Ed Kilgore at New York Magazine paints the letter as the next step on the road to book banning and book burning, as reminiscent of the Nixon Administration's actions as to The Pentagon Papers (which are on everyone's mind).

That reaction seems overstated, even allowing that the President is a uniquely powerful figure. A cease-and-desist letter has no legal force; it is an act of bluster, allowing the lawyer to flash his fangs and sound smart.  The show of "force" behind it is not connected to Trump being President or wielding state authority, but to being a wealthy individual who can afford a high-priced blustering private lawyer and who has made a career out of this very tactic. There is no show of government force here. As Mike Dorf points out, the letter does not threaten to seek an injunction to halt publication of the book, so there is no explicit legal risk of prior restraint. It does float the possibility of suit for defamation or other torts.* But that suit could be based on excerpts already published (the demands retraction and apology for what has gotten out). And the letter reserves the right to even if the publisher caves to the threat and halts publication.

[*] Dorf shows the flaw in the threatened claim of tortious interference by inducing Steve Bannon to breaking his non-disclosure agreement.

So comparing this to DOJ obtaining an injunction barring publication, on pain of contempt of court, is way over the top. I do not see the difference between this letter and the letter Trump's lawyers sent during the 2016 campaign threatening to sue The New York Times for its reporting on the sexual-assault allegations against Trump. Both sought to make speech go away by the pressuring the speaker to retract and apologize for what already was out and refrain from publishing anything further, in addition to threatening a suit for damages. And even if the express demand to stop publication of a book constitutes a unique "prior restraint," the doctrinal treatment of prior restraint as categorically worse than post-publication liability has been questioned--the chill on speech and the threat to First Amendment values is no different, although there may be some procedural and proof differences.

In writing about the exchange with The Times during the campaign, I argued that threatening to sue critics in the press was another norm Trump was destroying--public officials do not threaten to sue their critics because it is legally difficult-to-impossible under Sullivan and politically weak. But I do not think it poses a greater First Amendment threat than any other powerful public person threatening to sue his critics.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on January 5, 2018 at 05:00 PM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (3)

Wednesday, January 03, 2018

Common theme: Insanity swirls around this administration

About the only basis I could think of for one short post touching three disparate issues wafting from this administration:

1) Paul Manafort sued Rod Rosenstein and Bob Mueller, seeking a declaratory judgment and injunction invalidating Rosenstein's appointment of Mueller and the actions Mueller has taken in investigating and bringing charges against Manafort. Steve Vladeck is quoted in this Slate article arguing that the district may abstain on Younger/equitable grounds. I think Steve is right. Although not challenging the constitutionality of the statute of conviction (the typical Younger case), the action challenges the legal basis for a criminal prosecution and seeks an order that would require dismissal of the pending prosecution. The Slate piece is right--this lawsuit looks more political than legally sound.

2) Acting ICE Director Thomas Homan has asked DOJ to examine whether California Governor Jerry Brown and other officials in sanctuary jurisdictions are violating the federal law prohibiting harboring of aliens. This is far from my area. But it seems to me the statute requires a defendant to conceal or harbor a specific person; it is not enough to know that many aliens are present and not to do something to help the government some or all of them. It also seems that a state or local official should be able to assert a Tenth Amendment limitation on a statute that would criminalize officials for making state policy. If federal law cannot impress state or local governments to enforce federal law, it cannot allow for the arrest and prosecution of state and local officials who control those governments and who make and enforce those policies refusing to enforce federal law.

3) Does a news organization that receives one of the President's media awards wear it as a badge of First Amendment honor? As a Bizarro Pulitzer Prize?

Posted by Howard Wasserman on January 3, 2018 at 07:00 PM in Constitutional thoughts, First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (2)

Tuesday, January 02, 2018

Indiana tries to stop NFL kneeling--and would fail

An Indiana legislator has introduced legislation that would require the Indianapolis Colts to grant fans a refund if players kneel during the national anthem. Fans would have to demand the refund during the first quarter. The article does not say whether the fan would be permitted to stay at the game upon receipt of the refund.* The sponsor insists the law is constitutionally valid, because it does not stop anyone from kneeling. But it seems to me the law suffers from three obvious problems. 

[*] Otherwise, think of the perverse incentives. I am not offended by players kneeling. But I might claim to be if I could get my $ 200 back, still watch the game, and screw one of the worst organizations in the NFL

As the ACLU said in the article, the law infringes the Colts' First Amendment rights by sanctioning them (or setting them up for sanction) if they do not prohibit their players from kneeling. If we understand the team as exercising its First Amendment rights when it decides what its players can do, the law abridges that right and for reasons of disagreement with the team's speech in allowing its players to kneel.

A law also can violate a person's rights even if it does not prohibit some actions, by empowering or obligating private persons to take certain steps that harm that person. For example, courts have declared invalid ordinances that fine landlords for 911 calls to their properties; the laws have been found to violate the rights of (usually female) tenants who are deterred from seeking police protection from domestic violence out of fear that a 911 call leads to a fine on the landlord which leads to the landlord evicting the tenant to avoid future fines. (And these are the second generation of such ordinances--the first generation required licensed landlords to evict or prohibited them from renting to individuals who had made multiple 911 calls). The same logic is at work with this statute--the Colts are essentially being fined for not stopping the players from kneeling and so will prohibit kneeling to avoid the fine.

A different version of that scenario might set the Colts up to be sued for a First Amendment violation by players prohibited from kneeling, by causing the Colts to act under color of law. A private entity acts under color when it engages in some conduct under the "overwhelming coercion" of the government. Here, the Colts would bar players from kneeling on pain of having to offer refunds to fans that ask, which the team would be required to do by state law. Although it is less direct than a law requiring the team to stop the players from kneeling, the loss of money could constitute the necessary coercion.

This is probably moot because the law will not be passed and/or the NFL is going to force the NFLPA to accept a rule requiring players to stand (as the NBA now has). But it gives me a chance to link to this article describing the letters written by citizens to USOC and IOC head Avery Brundage* about Tommie Smith and John Carlos following their protest at the 1968 Olympics, which sound identical to the complaints being made about Colin Kaepernick and his NFL brethren.

[*] One of history's truly despicable sporteuacrats.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on January 2, 2018 at 03:36 PM in Civil Procedure, First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (2)

Monday, January 01, 2018

Sokal Hoax at 20

The Chronicle of Higher Education has an oral history of the Sokal Hoax, which is now twenty years old. Some of those interviewed discuss this incident in light of recent attacks on the academy, science, and the idea of "truth." An interesting read.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on January 1, 2018 at 04:12 PM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (2)

Sunday, December 31, 2017

2017 Year-End Report of the Federal Judiciary

The 2017 Year-End Report of the Federal Judiciary was released at 6 p.m. Sunday. No dueling or lumberjacks this year, although the Chief could not help but throw in a history lesson about The Great Hurricane of 1780.

The primary theme this year was how the judiciary responds (and responded in 2017) to natural disasters. This was followed by a brief discussion of the "new challenge" for 2018 of dealing with workplace sexual harassment in the judiciary, discussing his called-for AO working group to examine policies and practices, including codes of conduct, employee education, confidentiality and reporting rules, and rules for processing complaints. He closed with an expression of confidence that the "overwhelming number have no tolerance for harassment and share the view that victims must have clear and immediate recourse to effective remedies."

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 31, 2017 at 06:41 PM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (0)

Thursday, December 21, 2017

Zervos v. Trump, in federal or state court

Richard Primus discusses an amicus brief he wrote in Zervos v. Trump, the defamation lawsuit filed by a former Apprentice contestant in New York state court (Zervos claims Trump sexually assaulted her and that Trump's denials effectively defamed her as a liar). Trump has moved to dismiss, arguing that a sitting President enjoys immunity from suit in state court (stated differently, Clinton v. Jones applies only in federal court). Primus's brief (written for Steven Burbank, Richard Parker, and Lucas Powe) argues that state and federal courts are no different for purposes of the President's amenability to sue.

The existence of presidential immunity does not matter in this case, because Zervos will refile in federal court on diversity jurisdiction (Zervos is from California, Trump is probably from New York, but definitely someplace other than California). The surprise when Zervos filed suit was that she had filed in state court (in Trump's home state, no less) rather than federal court. It might have been a fear of anti-plaintiff federal procedure and a desire to take extensive (embarrassing) discovery that she is more likely to get in state court than federal court. But the same law applies and the jury pool in the Southern District of New York is the same (and as anti-Trump) as the County of New York, so it is not obvious Zervos is better off in state court than federal court.

From the other side, though, it is worth wondering why Trump is bothering to raise immunity in this case, because it will not end or even delay the lawsuit. Does he so badly want to be in federal court? Is he trying to protect the presidency apart from his personal interests (something he has not been inclined to do)? Is he trying to make Zervos work for it?

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 21, 2017 at 10:27 AM in Civil Procedure, Constitutional thoughts, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (3)

Wednesday, December 20, 2017

Sexualized Misconduct

Michael Dorf has two posts on the Alex Kozinski saga. In discussing the various allegations against the now-former judge, Dorf uses the term "sexualized misconduct" to describe some of Kozinski alleged behavior. That term captures actions outside of employment (such as his comments and unwanted touching of women during visits to law schools) and conduct of a sexual nature that does not constitute harassment or discrimination. I want to consider the latter and figure out whether it exists.

Consider some of the things Kozinksi and others have been accused of doing: Showing or talking about porn to female clerks and employees, talking about sex and one's own sexual activity (although without explicitly propositioning the listener), asking about the listener's sexual activity (although without explicitly propositioning the listener), telling sexually explicit stories and jokes that are not at the expense of the listening employee.

This behavior is boorish and obnoxious. It is "sexualized misconduct"--misconduct that involves sex. But is it unlawful discrimination/harassment/hostile environment "because of sex"--what Title VII requires by its terms and the 14th Amendment requires by interpretation? And when does discussion of sexual things cross the line into unlawfulness? Are all discussions of anything sexual, at least between male supervisors and female employees, per se hostile environment? Or (as one law prof correspondent suggested) is it evidence of a hostile environment, but requiring a broader contextual judgment? Is sex and sexual activity different than politics or sports, so women are going to be disadvantaged by such talk? On one hand, many of the sexual conversations objectify women in some way (Kozinski's "knock chart," for example); so even if women are as willing and able in the abstract to talk about sex as men, they remain differently situated for purposes of such conversations. On one other hand, to say yes relies on stereotypes and assumptions about women and how they react to discussions of sex, sexuality, and sexual activity compared with men.

So how does or should the law treat sexualized misconduct in the workplace that does not involve unwanted touching or propositions? Is everything sexual off-limits and should it be?

Note some broader consequences if the answer to that question is no. It creates a divide between elite high-profile professions and workplaces and everyone else. Even if not prohibited by Title VII, sexualized misconduct disgusts the public and creates sufficient anger and backlash to drive a judge from the bench* or a television personality from the airwaves.** But it is not going to effect the manager at Wal Mart, whose misconduct would be outside the reach of Title VII but outside the public eye (or public interest) as to cause him to lose his job.

[*] Yes, Kozinski allegedly did far more than talk about sexual activity, so this is not the only reason he was driven from the bench.

[**] Ditto.

Of course, that divide exists even if sexualized misconduct is because of sex and even as to conduct that moves into propositions and touching. Plaintiffs must show that harassment was "severe and pervasive" as to change the conditions of employment. Susan Estrich's defense of Kozinski warned about "bringing men down for conduct that, even if true, does not rise to the level of harassment," which I (perhaps in a forgiving mood) interpret as referring to conduct that is not sufficiently severe and pervasive to be a violation of Title VII or the Constitution. The public becomes disgusted and angry about misbehavior that might not rise to the level of a violation, driving out those in high-profile positions. Meanwhile, the manager at Wal Mart gets away with conduct that may be far worse because of difficulties of proof and the imbalances in the legal system. One way of thinking about this is that the public is holding those in positions of power to higher standards--it is not enough to refrain from unlawful conduct, they also should refrain from disgusting, boorish, and obnoxious conduct (at least of a sexual nature). Another way is that the law, as it is being applied at all levels, has not caught up with where public attitudes are moving (at least for the moment).

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 20, 2017 at 09:31 AM in Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (4)

Monday, December 18, 2017

Petersen withdraws

Story here.I am happy to be wrong (if surprised) about that one.

Stories about the signs of his lacked of qualification have focused on his lack of trial experience and have quoted defenders rejecting the premise that experience as a trial lawyer is a "precondition" to being a district judge. But as I argued, his lack of trial or litigation experience was not the real problem (although commenters here have disagreed). The problems were his lack of knowledge of basic legal concepts and his arrogant believe that he did not need that legal knowledge. Petersen tried to minimize this as his "worst two minutes" that should not have outweighed his 20 years of public service. But those worst two minutes revealed so much (about his legal knowledge or his character) that the balance seems appropriate.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 18, 2017 at 07:19 PM in Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (13)

Sunday, December 17, 2017

Glossary of Judicial Terms

From Garrett Epps in The Atlantic.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 17, 2017 at 10:27 PM in Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (1)

Friday, December 15, 2017

About that Judiciary Committte Hearing

Matthew Spencer Petersen, an FEC commissioner and a nominee to the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, had a rough time at his confirmation hearing Wednesday when he was unable to answer probing legal questions requiring nuanced analysis (asked by Republican Sen. John Kennedy). These included "Do you know what a motion in limine is," "Do you know what the Younger abstention doctrine is," and "How about the Pullman abstention doctrine."* Kennedy also asked Petersen if he had "read" the FRCP and FRE.

[*] I am proud to say that I teach each of those things in my courses. My new pitch to upper-level students during course-selection time will be "If you want to be a federal judge, take my courses."

A couple of thoughts about the entire thing:

1) Kennedy began by asking the full panel of Petersen and four other nominees whether any had tried cases to verdict or taken depositions. The "never tried a case" thing has been a recurring theme with several of Trump's district-court nominees, but I am not a fan. There is benefit to having judges from various backgrounds on all courts, including legislative-branch and non-judicial executive-branch experience (which would not allow a nominee to have tried or litigated a case). That a district-court judge has never litigated a case (not "tried," since most cases do not go to trial) should not be disqualifying.

2) Petersen sort-of tried the latter move by describing his role in supervising the FEC attorneys who litigate on behalf of the FEC and who thus deal with the FRE and FRCP and motions before judges--"no, I have not argued the motion, but I have overseen the lawyers who do and I am familiar with this work." But that set him up for the questions revealing he did not know anything about what these lawyers do.

3) The problem is that Petersen apparently had never heard of basic legal concepts. It was not that he could not ask answer questions about their appropriate scope or how they should apply. He could not give basic definitions or describe the basic ideas behind these doctrines. The real revelation here was less Petersen's unfitness (although he is unfit), but his arrogance. He was so certain he will be confirmed and that this was a dog-and-pony formality that he did not take two hours to look up the basic definition of legal issues or become less-than-minimally conversant about basic procedural issues that he hopes to spend the next forty years dealing with. He believed he could walk in, sit through the couple hours before the committee members, and be home free to a lifetime appointment. And that may be more disqualifying that not knowing basic legal principles. Watching Petersen, he did not appear embarrassed or bothered or ashamed by the spectacle.

4) No one "reads" the FRCP or the FRE, so the question itself was bad. Were Petersen smarter, he might have responded "I have not read them like a book, because that is now how one deals with a code. But I am happy to answer questions about specific rules or overarching ideas contained within the FRCP." That might have stopped Kennedy in his tracks (see below). But Petersen could not have answered those next-level questions, so this option was not open to him.

5) [Added thought]: The questions Kennedy asked were effective in making Petersen look stupid. But the questions could not have shown much about Petersen's qualifications, regardless of his answers. He would not have shown himself fit by saying "A motion in limine (Latin: "at the start", literally, "on the threshold") (Latin pronunciation: [ɪn ˈliːmɪˌne] in LEE-min-ay) is a motion, discussed outside the presence of the jury, to request that certain testimony be excluded" or "Younger abstention, named for Younger v. Harris, 401 U.S. 37 (1971), is less permissive to the federal courts, barring them from hearing civil rights tort claims brought by a person who is currently being prosecuted for a matter arising from that claim in state court" (those are cut from the first sentences of the Wikipedia definitions). Yet he did not do that basic work (see # 3).

6) Am I alone in doubting that Sen. Kennedy knows what Younger or Pullman is? Or, at least, that he would be unable to have asked more than "have you heard of it" questions?

7) Petersen will be confirmed. Kennedy will vote in favor, both in committee and on the floor. So I will not even be able to use this as a sales pitch, because the students can always say "well, Matthew Petersen is on the D.D.C. and he doesn't know Younger, so why should I."

8) Here is the video, if you have not seen it. Regardless of outcome, it is worth watching

 

 

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 15, 2017 at 10:47 AM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (13)

Monday, December 11, 2017

JOTWELL: Malveaux on Coleman on gender inequity in complex litigation

The new Courts Law essay comes from Suzette Malveaux (Catholic), reviewing Brooke Coleman, A Legal Fempire? Women in Complex Litigation, Ind. L.J. (forthcoming), discussing the paucity of women litigators and judges in MDL litigation.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 11, 2017 at 11:13 AM in Article Spotlight, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (0)

Sunday, December 10, 2017

Dean Search: FIU College of Law

After the jump is the ad for the Dean position at FIU College of Law. I am a member of the search committee. And while I am biased, I think this is a good job at a rising school with a lot of upside--public-school tuition, small student-body, great bar-passage and employment numbers, good entering-student numbers, and a productive faculty.

Dean, College of Law

Florida International University

Miami, Florida

Florida International University seeks an energetic, practical, and visionary leader with a commitment to scholarly excellence and diversity to serve as Dean of the College of Law.  Candidates with exceptional academic, public sector, or private sector experience as successful legal practitioners within complex organizational settings that involve multiple stakeholders are invited to apply.  FIU is a vibrant comprehensive university offering 180 bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral programs in 12 colleges and schools.  FIU is Carnegie-designated as both a research university with highest research activity and a community-engaged university.  Located in the heart of the multicultural South Florida urban region, FIU’s multiple campuses serve over 54,000 students, placing FIU among the ten largest universities in the nation.  Annual research expenditures in excess of $132 million and a deep commitment to engagement have made FIU the go-to solutions center for local to global issues alike.  FIU leads the nation in awarding undergraduate and graduate degrees, including in the STEM fields, to minority students.  FIU’s students reflect Miami’s diverse population, earning FIU the designation of Hispanic-Serving Institution. 

The College of Law (FIU Law) is the only public law school in South Florida, founded on the idea that a high-quality legal education should be affordable and accessible to a broad, diverse community with a commitment to public service.  FIU Law’s mission is to offer a high-quality legal education attuned to the challenges of globalization and devoted to serving the local, national, and international communities.  FIU Law prides itself on graduating professional, globalized, and culturally savvy future lawyers committed to public service.  FIU Law offers the Juris Doctor (JD) degree, a Masters of Law for Foreign Lawyers (LL.M.), a Juris Master (JM) degree for non-lawyers, and a variety of joint masters’ programs.  In fall 2017, the JD program enrolled 457 students and the LL.M. program enrolled 31 students from 12 countries.  These students are taught by a diverse faculty of 31 full-time and 46 part-time teachers.  FIU Law is accredited by the American Bar Association (ABA) and is an accredited member of the Association of American Law Schools (AALS).   FIU Law ranks as the most diverse law school in Florida and graduates the highest percentage of Hispanic attorneys of any law school in the nation.  FIU Law ranked number one in the state in the last four July examinations administered by the Florida Board of Bar Examiners. 

Reporting to the Provost, Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer, the Dean is the chief executive and administrative officer of FIU Law.  The Dean provides active leadership in the promotion, direction, support, and growth of the educational, research, and fundraising activities of FIU Law, maintenance of a high level of morale among the faculty, and encouragement of the spirit of learning among students.  The Dean represents FIU Law in the community and identifies and hosts relevant community leaders and activities on campus.  As chief executive, the Dean is responsible for the management and allocation of the budget, market-rate programs, and philanthropy, as well as compliance with accreditation standards, community outreach, marketing and enrollment, interdisciplinary initiatives, global outreach, and the effective management of FIU Law’s administrative and financial affairs.  The Dean consults with the faculty in designing the FIU Law strategic plan and sets the tone for FIU Law in encouraging excellence, recognizing achievement, and supporting appointments and promotions based on merit.  The Dean is responsible for increasing academic excellence, creating opportunities for students, and fostering a collaborative spirit in FIU Law and with other colleges.

For this exceptional opportunity, the University seeks an innovative leader and strategic thinker with a broad understanding of the challenges facing legal education, and the ability to articulate a vision that positions FIU Law as a successful enterprise within a complex and growing public research university. The successful candidate will have the reputation, stature, skills, and credibility to attract strong faculty and students, to foster a scholarly community, and to obtain financial and other resources to strengthen FIU Law.  S/he will possess a record of intellectual or professional accomplishments, also warranting appointment to the rank of tenured full professor; demonstrated ability in financial and human resources management, collaboration, and fundraising; a spirit of innovation; a strong external focus; and the ability to work within a diverse and multicultural environment. The successful candidate will have a record of fostering excellence in instruction, research, and service; a commitment to strengthening and supporting scholarship; and dedication to promoting faculty and student success.  A JD or equivalent degree is required.  

Screening will begin in mid-January and continue until an appointment is made.  Nominations, inquiries, and applications (including a cover letter, curriculum vitae, and the names of five references) should be directed electronically to FIU_LawDean@Divsearch.com.

Kim M. Morrisson, Ph.D., Senior Managing Director or John Mestepey, Managing Director

Nancy Helfman, Vice President and Senior Associate

Diversified Search

2005 Market Street, Suite 3300, Philadelphia, PA  19103

215-656-3579

 

FIU is a member of the State University System of Florida and an Equal Opportunity, Equal Access Affirmative Action Employer. All qualified applicants will receive consideration for employment without regard to race, color, religion, sex, national origin, disability status, protected veteran status, or any other characteristic protected by law.

For more information, visit www.fiu.edu  

Posted by Administrators on December 10, 2017 at 06:26 PM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (0)

Nazis and free speech

Apropos of nothing: Nazis are the focal point for all sides in the debate over free speech. Those seeking a narrower approach to free speech want a rule that specifically and explicitly excludes actual Nazis from First Amendment protection; consider one comment to this post and the repeated  position of Elie Mystal in this RadioLab "More Perfect" Debate. Those who defend the current expansive understanding of free speech consider protection for Nazis, especially in Skokie, as a high point in the fight for free speech.

No conclusion to be drawn; just an observation.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 10, 2017 at 03:10 PM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (2)

Thursday, December 07, 2017

Casablanca and the greatest heckler's veto in cinema history (Updated Twice)

(New Update: The film turns 75 this year and the New York Post tells the backstory of the movie's travails and unexpected success).

Steve Lubet at Faculty Lounge links to a 2015 essay calling the "Le Marseillaise" scene from Casablana the greatest in movie history and the turning point in the film.

 

But this scene involves what some now label as a heckler's veto. Major Strasser and the Nazis are Milo Yiannopoulos or Ann Coulter or Charles Murray; everyone else in the bar are angry campus liberals or SJWs; and the latter spoke so loudly over the former as to drown-out its speech, make it impossible to be heard, and cause them to stop speaking. If, as some say, this is a heckler's veto, the government could have stopped the house band from playing or, as happened in the film, shut down the forum (although only after collecting its winnings). And so we lose the turning-point moment that galvanized what everyone regards as the "good guys" in the story.

Mark Tushnet and Erwin Chemerinsky/Howard Gillman have argued that it may depend on the nature of the space. In an open space, the Nazis did not have a superseding right of access compared with the supporters of France, so they did not have a superseding right to speak and be heard. But others insist that government can stop one speaker from being so loud as to make it impossible for another to be heard--that this is disruption, not counter-speech. Perhaps the Allies in the bar should have allowed the Nazis to finish their song and then sung their own. Or they should have gone to another space. Or they should have listened to the ideas in the Nazi song and given them a chance to persuade.

I do not have the answer to this problem and I am still turning it over for a future article. But I like this scene because it illustrates the complexity of the balance.

Update: Lubet offers an interesting take in response to my original post. He hits one point that I have heard from several people on these issues--the Allies were not singing to drown out their rivals, but to inspire the audience with their own message and their is a difference between presenting your message, loudly, and presenting a message with the intent of drowning out. I do not think intent matters, because it is difficult to separate--inspiring the Allies in the bar required that their voices down out those of the Nazi--even if the  Nazis do not stop singing, they could not be heard, which was the point.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 7, 2017 at 05:12 PM in Culture, First Amendment, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (24)

Tuesday, December 05, 2017

Argument in Masterpiece Cakeshop

Having read the transcript, I have no idea where this is going or what standard anyone seems to be gravitating to. The only one of the four advocates who really got an opportunity to frame a legal standard was David Cole of the ACLU on behalf of the complainants, who was given the time to explain how O'Brien fits the scheme. Otherwise, counsel for the petitioners got caught up in an escalating series of hypotheticals involving make-up artists and sandwich artists and the difference between chefs and bakers (and, I thought, fumbled a bail-out question from Justice Alito about the expressive nature of architecture). SG Noel Francisco acknowledged the Court may not adopt his "race is different" position, although he did put across a "predominant" purpose or effect idea. And everyone fought the justices' hypotheticals (there seems to be more of that going on this Term).

The justices also seemed all over the map. Only Justice Alito asked questions obviously designed to support the attorneys on one side and challenge the attorneys on the other. The other Justices were asking pointed and prodding questions of both sides. And a lot of those questions read like a Donald Trump speech--"It's a great cake, it's a beautiful cake."

We did learn a few things: 1) Justice Alito does not go to may five-star restaurants; 2) part of Francisco's wedding cake remains in his freezer; 3) Justice Gorsuch does not like the taste of wedding cake*; 4) Ollie's Barbecue and Piggie Park have not gotten this much attention in 50 years.

[*] We were lucky. Our wedding cake was delicious.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 5, 2017 at 05:39 PM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (6)

Accepting GRE

With BYU, eleven schools will accept the GRE rather than the LSAT from prospective students. I would like to hear, especially from anyone teaching at or affiliated with those eleven schools, about the pros and cons of this move. And since we have permanent bloggers and past guests at both schools, I hope for some input.

The LSAT is not so tied to what we do in law school that it is an obviously superior predictor of success. Both include logic games (how to seat five people in one car when everyone hates everyone else). One pro is that law schools can better compete for the college senior who is torn between grad school and law school--a law school can recruit her without making her prepare for and take another test. I cannot think of any disadvantages, frankly. What are the two sides?

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 5, 2017 at 05:07 PM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (7)

Friday, December 01, 2017

Drifting justices

Richard Primus takes down the arguments that Chief Justice Roberts has become (or always has been) a secret liberal and has "moved left." Primus argues that it is not Roberts who has changed but the questions presented to the Court--the questions have moved right, shifting the conclusions Roberts reaches and the Justices with whom he aligns, even without him have changed. And none of this could have been accounted for when Roberts was being vetted, so this should not be regarded as a case of failed vetting.

This is an intriguing argument to which I would add a few thoughts.

1) On the vetting point, Primus focuses on Roberts twice rejecting aggressive conservative theories surrounding ACA, which were not on Republicans' minds when vetting Roberts in 2005 (when the individual mandate was a Republican idea). Roberts has voted the straight conservative line on those issues for which he would have been vetted--reproductive freedom, religious liberty, affirmative action, same-sex marriage, and voting rights. Put differently, while the questions presented have moved rightward on these issues, they have not reached the point of outflanking Roberts to the right.

2) Primus' framing offers a new way of thinking about Justice Frankfurter, where the questions presented moved leftward, leaving him straddling, if not dissenting, on many. For Frankfurter, it was a shift of constitutional issues--from the scope of federal power to individual rights. But the basic idea of the legal questions moving and the Justice staying in place holds.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on December 1, 2017 at 09:11 PM in Constitutional thoughts, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (21)

Thursday, November 30, 2017

Rotations

Welcome to December and returning guests Andra Robertson (Case Western) and Michael Mannheimer (Northern Kentucky). And thanks to our November visitors for a great month.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 30, 2017 at 10:25 PM in Blogging, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (0)

Monday, November 27, 2017

JOTWELL: Michalski on Dodge & Dodson on personal jurisdiction

The new Courts Law essay comes from Roger Michalski (Oklahoma--one of several new contributors to the section), reviewing William S. Dodge & Scott Dodson, Personal Jurisdiction and Aliens, Mich L. Rev. (forthcoming), which argues for a national-contacts test for personal jurisdiction over non-US persons.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 27, 2017 at 12:19 PM in Article Spotlight, Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (0)

Sunday, November 26, 2017

Who heads the CFPB and how to find out?

Marty Lederman deconstructs (and questions) the OLC memo concluding that the President's appointment of Mike Mulvaney was lawful and controlling. Sam Bray argues that the answer is a quo warranto action filed by the AG or the US Attorney for the District of the District of Columbia.

On Sunday, Leandra English filed suit in the District of D.C., seeking a TRO and declaratory judgment (with a passing reference to a writ of mandamus) that she is the lawful Acting Director and that the Mulvaney appointment is invalid. The suit names Trump and Mulvaney as defendants, for a declaration barring Trump from appointing any other Acting Director and barring Mulvaney from asserting the authority of the office.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 26, 2017 at 10:28 PM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (2)

Friday, November 24, 2017

Another voice on banning laptops

This time it is Susan Dynarski (Economics at Michigan). Nothing new in the piece, since the studies she cites (UCLA/Princeton and West Point) are a few years old at this point. She does close by arguing that the same conclusion should apply to middle and high schools and to business meetings.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 24, 2017 at 03:55 PM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (5)

Wednesday, November 22, 2017

Things I think about other people's thoughts

Kevin Drum is absolutely correct that Roy Moore and Donald Trump survive sexual-misconduct allegations while Al Franken is going down. And the difference is that Franken owned it and apologized, while Moore and Trump dig-in and deny. Even Drum's counter-example, Harvey Weinstein, is explicable along the same lines--Weinstein was a prominent Democratic donor and supporter, so the left disowns (because he is an asshole predator) and the right disowns (because he is a Democrat). But Bill O'Reilly received a massive buyout and is still influential in Republican circles.

Neil Buchanan is absolutely correct about how modern eyes view old movies, including Dead Men Don't Wear Plaid and Pretty in Pink. Of course, many John Hughes' movies do not hold-up well.  Sixteen Candles is obviously problematic for Long Duck Dong. But the sexual politics are abhorent. The male hero (Jake) both announces that he could sexually assault his passed-out-drunk girlfriend, is encouraged to do so by the other male lead (Geek), then sets the Geek up to do it himself. And I have long thought about The Breakfast Club, in which a one-day detention was imposed for bringing a gun to school (brain) and for bullying and assaulting another student on campus (jock)--both of which would merit suspension, if not expulsion, in these zero-tolerance times. And Bender (the burnout) threatens to rape and later sexually assaults Claire (the princess) when he is hiding under the table. All of this is presented as an elaborate courting ritual.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 22, 2017 at 11:27 AM in Culture, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (19)

Tuesday, November 21, 2017

Facial unconstitutionality does not support universal injunctions

Judge Orrick of the Northern District of California on Monday permanently enjoined (order embedded in story) enforcement of the administration's sanctuary-cities order. As with the April preliminary injunction, Judge Orrick made the injunction nationwide (really, universal). I criticized his reasoning for the universal preliminary injunction and the reasoning in this is not much better. The order again quotes Califano v. Yamasaki, ignoring that the order in that case involved a plaintiff class, not individual plaintiffs--universality made sense, as everyone in the class was a plaintiff protected by the injunction.

The court also relies on the fact that it found the regulation unconstitutional on its face, not simply in its application. But facial as opposed to as-applied goes to the scope of the judicial analysis. It should not go to the scope of the court's remedial authority. And it should not empower a district court to issue an order binding every district court in the country in actions involving different plaintiffs and subjecting the federal government to contempt sanctions for enforcement efforts having nothing to do with the two plaintiffs. Slapping the "facial" label on constitutional analysis should not so enhance the court's precedential or remedial authority.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 21, 2017 at 11:33 AM in Civil Procedure, Constitutional thoughts, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (12)

Monday, November 20, 2017

Fed Courts by treatise--the results

I wrote at the beginning of the semester about my plan to teach Fed Courts without a casebook or cases, but relying largely on the Chemerinsky and Pfander treatises (supplemented by a few cases, statutes, rules, etc.). We have two classes remaining in the semester, but today I administered a survey on the materials and this teaching approach.

Overall, I was happy with how things went this way. Students were generally very well-prepared and ready to answer almost anything I threw at them. The occasional lapse came where the questions went to something that was not covered in the treatise discussion (often about factual or procedural backgrounds). I perhaps lectured on preliminary information a bit more in spots, where the treatises focused on different pieces of a case than the casebook I previously used (Low, Jeffries, and Bradley). One obvious place was in the discussion of Atlantic Coast Line v. Brotherhood of Engineers, where the treatises paid less attention than the casebook to the effect of on-point SCOTUS precedent on the § 2283 analysis. But this was the exception rather than the rule--between them, the two books gave the students everything they needed to participate in the discussion I was trying to lead. I also was pleased (if surprised) that some students read the highlighted cases in addition to the treatises. I taught the same basic class I have been teaching for several years, but got much further than I have in recent years--this is the first time in four years that I have reached the material on jurisdiction-stripping and congressional control over court structure.

The survey results and comments suggest the students liked the approach. Of the 12 responses (out of 13 in the class), 7 "strongly agreed" this was an effective way to learn the material and prepare for class, 8 "strongly agreed" it was more enjoyable than working from a casebook or cases, and 9 "strongly agreed" that I should teach from these materials in the future. The comments suggested a general view that this method of prep was helpful to seeing the big picture at which we engaged with the material in class. And the general level of engagement throughout the semester shows that the students were doing the reading and preparing well for class.

So, all-in-all, it worked well. The students and I were happy and it allowed me to cover all the material I wanted to in the way I wanted to. I think I have found my way going forward in this class. And I will follow the same approach for Civil Rights in the spring, working from my treatise* that is basically my class in book form, along with puzzles for class discussion.

[*] Second Edition coming to supermarket checkout lines near you in 2018.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 20, 2017 at 08:26 PM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (3)

Sunday, November 19, 2017

Reminder: Discovery is a two-way street

Attorneys for Alabama Media Group responded (copy of letter, free from typos and grammatical errors, in story) to the insane and incoherent letter from Roy Moore's attorney. In addition to standing by the story and denying the claims in the initial letter, AMG's lawyers say they expect litigation "would also reveal other important information about your clients" and makes a counter-demand that Moore preserve and maintain documents, materials, and information that "is or could remotely be relevant in any manner to any of the claims that you have made." This includes information relevant to Moore's "romantic relationships or physical encounters (whether consensual or not)."

This was not as brazen as the New York Times letter from October 2016, which expressly dared Trump to sue. But both are interesting examples of an emerging genre of legal writing.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 19, 2017 at 11:46 PM in Civil Procedure, First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (0)

154th anniversary of Gettysburg Address

This remains funny and this is newly funny. And this is the perfect day for Lincoln's successor to demonstrate his unique ideas of government and presidential leadership--leaving American citizens in foreign jail because the father of one of them is not sufficiently appreciative or supportive of him.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 19, 2017 at 03:20 PM in Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (0)

Thursday, November 16, 2017

The Irrepressible Myth of David Boies?

Much has been written about David Boies representation of Harvey Weinstein and the conflicts with his representation of The New York Times as representing the fall of a liberal legal icon and of one of the great lawyers of his generation.

But a question asked out of genuine ignorance: What is the basis for that reputation and is it earned? I know of Boies from three cases: US v. Microsoft, Bush v. Gore, and Hollingsworth v. Perry; I do not believe I knew his name before the first of these. He lost the first (and one of my memories of listening to that argument was that he sounded as if he was caught off-guard by an equal-protection question). He had the second reversed on appeal. In the third, he won an important trial-court victory that enabled millions of Californians to marry, carried symbolic weight,* and perhaps catalyzed the litigation movement that led to Obergefell two years later. But it did not achieve the single great judicial declaration on marriage equality that he (and Ted Olson) set out to achieve and for which he is often given credit in movies, books, and other media. It was an important case on the path to marriage equality, but far from the important case. As legal precedent, it carried less weight than, for example, the case brought in Utah, Oklahoma, Wisconsin, or Indiana, all of which produced binding circuit precedent.

[*] The symbolism arguably cut in both directions. On one hand, it was the first federal-court declaration that same-sex marriage bans violated the federal Constitution (following several state-court/state-law decisions) and it affected the biggest state in the country. On the other hand, California.

I am not suggesting that Boies has not been a successful lawyer; he clearly has been. And I am sure that he took on and won many other big (and perhaps even historic) cases. But he is being described as the Clarence Darrow of his generation, now fallen in his final act. And I wonder about the reality of that.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 16, 2017 at 01:29 PM in Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (12)

Tuesday, November 14, 2017

Bernie Bernstein

I guess stupid acts of ignorant dog-whistle anti-Semitism grounded on stereotypes are preferable to Nazis marching with torches and pitchforks. My favorite comment came from Ariel Edwards-Levy, who reminded us that Bernie Bernstein's reporting partner for the Washington Post must be Woody Woodward. This story includes the audio of the robocall, which features a fake New York accent turned up to 11, although with a momentary "remaahks" that sounded more Boston than New York.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 14, 2017 at 08:38 PM in Culture, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (1)

Two hours of First Amendment training

Greg Thatcher, a professor of public health at Fresno State, has settled a First Amendment lawsuit claiming he erased students' chalked messages on campus sidewalks. Thatcher will pay $ 1000 to each of the students, pay $ 15,000 in attorney's fees to the Alliance Defending Freedom, and undergo two hours of "First Amendment training" with ADF. Two thoughts.

I hope "First Amendment training" does not become the new "diversity training" or "sexual harassment training."

I think there is an interesting under-color-of-law question here. Is everything a professor does on a public-university campus during school hours under color? He was not in the classroom, his office, or his building. He is dressed like he is going to the gym (although, in fairness, so do I on non-teaching days). In the encounter, he sometimes strikes a position of a competing speaker and sometimes strikes a position of an authority enforcing (erroneously understood) campus-speech regulations. And it is not clear enforcing those rules is any part of his job, although students may not understand that. He did tell/order/ask some of his students to erase the messages with him, which reflects an exercise of his obvious authority.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 14, 2017 at 08:42 AM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (1)

Monday, November 13, 2017

First Amendment Day at SCOTUS

SCOTUS granted cert in three First Amendment cases today. The big one is National Institute of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra, a challenge to a California law requiring that crisis pregnancy centers provide notice that publicly funded family-planning services are available elsewhere and that unlicensed clinics are unlicensed; the Court took it as a compelled-speech case and a vehicle to resolve a circuit split over the standard for "professional speech" (the Ninth Circuit applied intermediate scrutiny, while the Fourth Circuit applied strict scrutiny in invalidating similar regulations in Maryland.

The political valance of the case is interesting, as Dahlia Lithwick argues. The plaintiff here is a crisis-pregnancy center, resisting regulations that, in the name of protecting women's health, require the clinics to disclose information about the limits of their services (not providing abortion or contraception) and directing patients elsewhere for those services. But if these regulations violate the First Amendment, so should regulations in many states requiring clinics to provide pre-abortion counseling or to provide arguably false medical information about links between abortion and breast cancer, suicide, and mental-health consequences, designed to dissuade women from going through with the procedure.

Incidentally, this case meets the procedural posture I was looking for: The trial court denied a preliminary injunction, the court of appeals affirmed, and SCOTUS granted cert (to reverse, if I had to predict).

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 13, 2017 at 07:59 PM in Constitutional thoughts, First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (2)

JOTWELL: Effron on Trammell on precedent and preclusion

The new Courts Law essay comes from Robin Effron (Brooklyn, visiting at Notre Dame), reviewing Alan M. Trammell, Precedent and Preclusion, ___ Notre Dame L. Rev. (forthcoming), which considers the due-process connections of precedent and preclusion. 

I am anxious to read Alan's piece, as the distinction between precedent and preclusion is central to a theory of judicial departmentalism.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 13, 2017 at 03:06 PM in Article Spotlight, Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (1)

Saturday, November 11, 2017

Equality Law Scholars’ Forum

Equality Law Scholars’ Forum

Friday, November 17 – Saturday, November 18, 2017

The Forum is designed to provide junior scholars with commentary and critique by their more senior colleagues in the legal academy and, more broadly, to foster development and understanding of new scholarly currents across equality law. 


The Forum will feature five presenters (chosen from over 50 submissions):

Age, Law, and Egalitarianism

Alexander Boni-Saenz,Assistant Professor of Law, Chicago-Kent Law

 

Color-Blind But Not Color-Deaf: Accent Discrimination in Jury Selection

Jasmine Rose Gonzales, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Pittsburgh Law

 

Colorable Claims of Discrimination

Vinay Harpalani, Associate Professor of Law, Savannah Law School

 

Scapegoating Abortion Rights: The Conservative Revolution and the Economic Decline of the Working Class
Yvonne Lindgren, Visiting Professor of Law, University of San Francisco

 

Public Labor Unions as Democracy Facilitators for the Working Class

Courtlyn Roser-Jones, Hastie Fellow, University of Wisconsin Law School

 

The event is co-organized by Tristin Green, USF Law, Angela Onwuachi-Willig, UC Berkeley Law, and Leticia Saucedo, UC Davis Law. 

Financial support is provided by the Haas Institute for a Fair and Inclusive Society at UC Berkeley, the UC Davis School of Law, and the UC Irvine School of Law.

 

Comment and critique will be provided by the following scholars:

Khiara Bridges, Boston University Law

Catherine Fisk, Berkeley Law

Jonathan Glater, UC Irvine Law

Tristin Green, University of San Francisco Law

Ariela Gross, USC Law

Trina Jones, Duke Law

Osagie Obasogie, Berkeley Public Health

Angela Onwuachi-Willig, Berkeley Law

Leticia Saucedo, UC Davis Law

Michael Waterstone, Loyola-Los Angeles Law                       

 

We will also hold a panel discussion on Producing Scholarship in Equality Law with the following panelists participating:

Kathy Abrams, Berkeley Law

Catherine Albiston, Berkeley Law

Camille Gear Rich, USC Law

Vicky Plaut, Berkeley Law

Russell Robinson, Berkeley Law

Bertrall Ross, Berkeley Law

Jonathan Simon, Berkeley Law

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 11, 2017 at 09:31 AM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (0)

Friday, November 10, 2017

Procedural posture in First Amendment cases (Updated)

Update: Note the clarification below, as I was not precise enough. The questioner was asking about cases in which a preliminary injunction was sought and denied. In White (and one case I thought of, Simon & Schuster), the plaintiff did not move for a preliminary injunction. Instead, the parties went straight to cross-motions for summary judgment on permanent injunctive relief.

A question was asked of me: Can we think of significant First Amendment cases in which the lower courts denied a preliminary injunction barring enforcement of a law, then SCOTUS granted cert., reversed, and held that the challenged law is not enforceable?

The only one I could come up with off the top of my head is Steffel v. Thompson. And there the lower courts denied relief on standing and Younger grounds, never reaching the First Amendment merits.

Any cases that fit this description, where the lower courts declared the law constitutionally valid and declined to enjoin, then SCOTUS granted cert to reverse?

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 10, 2017 at 12:07 AM in Civil Procedure, First Amendment, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (3)

Thursday, November 09, 2017

The overwhelming effect of stays pending appeal

The Second Circuit denied a stay pending appeal of the denial of an injunction barring suspension of NFL running back Ezekiel Elliott. The court referred to it as an "injunction pending appeal," which is wrong and the improper terminology makes the media reporting on this more confusing than usual.

Tracing the history of this case is a Fed Courts or Remedies problem all its own: 1) Elliott was suspended for six games and an arbitrator upheld the suspension; 2) a judge in the Eastern District of Texas issued a preliminary injunction barring enforcement of the suspension (allowing Elliott to play); 3) the Fifth Circuit reversed, holding that the district court lacked jurisdiction, grounds that were arguably incorrect, although the result was probably right (barring Elliott from playing); 4) the union and player filed suit in the Southern District of New York; 5) a district judge granted a TRO (allowing Elliott to play); 6) the same judge refused to grant a preliminary injunction (barring Elliott from playing); 7) the Second Circuit granted a temporary stay of the denial of the preliminary injunction (allowing Elliott to play) pending fuller consideration of the motion to stay; 8) the Second Circuit today denied a full stay pending appeal, allowing the judgment denying the preliminary injunction to go into effect, meaning the suspension goes into effect and Elliott will not be able to play on Sunday (unless SCOTUS gets involved).

Even more than in the marriage-equality litigation, the stay question dictates the result in these cases. Although the Second Circuit granted expedited appeal, it is not clear that the case will be resolved before Elliott has missed six games. The question is the weight the likelihood-of-success prong bears in these cases--it is hard to overturn an arbitrator's decision, so Elliott was not likely to succeed in having the denial of the injunction reversed. And that may have convinced the court of appeals there was no irreparable harm in having the suspension take effect.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 9, 2017 at 05:09 PM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (3)

Wednesday, November 08, 2017

More jurisdictionality from SCOTUS

My opinion analysis for Hamer v. NHSC is up on SCOTUSBlog. As I predicted, the Court unanimously (through Justice Ginsburg, who cares most deeply about these issues) held that FRAP 4(a)(5)(C)'s 30-day limit on extensions to file notices of appeal was not jurisdictional, then punted issues of waiver, forfeiture, and equitable exception to the Seventh Circuit for initial consideration. A few additional thoughts.

Despite mentioning it at argument, the Court did not mention or cite Scott Dodson's arguments that the rule is jurisdictional because it allocates cases between courts, but the label matters less than the consequences (waiver, forfeiture, equitable exception, etc.) that a rulemaker attaches to the rule. Jurisdictional rules are mandatory only if Congress makes them mandatory; non-jurisdictional rules can be mandatory if Congress makes them mandatory. The Court did speak of timing rules "governing the transfer of adjudicatory authority from one Article III court to another," which smacks of the allocation concept that Scott uses. But the Court could not move past the label above the effects of the rule (which are not dictated by the label).

The "clear and easy" rule of decision the Court announced is that "If a time prescription governing the transfer of adjudicatory authority from one Article III court to another appears in a statute, the limitation is jurisdictional; otherwise, the time specification fits within the claim-processing category." This does not mention the Arbaugh rule that a rule is jurisdictional only if Congress speaks in jurisdictional terms. But the synthesis is that Congress can speak in jurisdictional terms, while the Court under the REA never can speak in jurisdictional terms.

In an email, Scott identifies some problems and open questions from describing the issue as the timing for transferring adjudicatory authority from one court to another. This would make timing limits in transfer-of-venue statutes or statutes governing the time for filing cert. petitions jurisdictional. Another question is whether the same rule applies to transfers of authority from state court to federal court, which would make timing requirements for removal and cert. petitions from state courts jurisdiction. Or it would mean that the time for filing a petition from federal court would be jurisdictional, while the time for filing a petition from state court might not be. Scott argues that these open questions show that the rule is not so "clear and easy."

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 8, 2017 at 08:58 PM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (1)

Saturday, November 04, 2017

Are The Bangles no longer welcome at Reed College, either?

Read the intro. Whatever else is happening, this demonstrates a point that came out in the comments to this post: The level of offense and the level of evil that protesters see in objectionable speech is beyond what we saw previously, which explains the more-intense reactions and confrontations between speech and counter-speech.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 4, 2017 at 05:18 PM in Constitutional thoughts, First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (9)

Thursday, November 02, 2017

CFP: SEALS Works-in-Progress

Announcement Here. Lou Virelli (Stetson) organizes these and they are great mini (3-4 people) workshops.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 2, 2017 at 10:20 AM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (0)

Wednesday, November 01, 2017

Chemerinsky and Gillman on disruption as free speech

Erwin Chemerinsky and Howard Gillman (Chancellor at UC-Irvine) have a piece in the Chronicle of Higher Education discussing when and if disruption of one speaker constitutes free speech by the counter-speaker. The piece captures a lot of what I have been thinking and trying to get at in my posts on the subject. I like the argument and it works as a jumping-off point.

They argue that in an open forum, including on campus, no speaker has a superseding right of access and no speaker has a right to speak uninterrupted. A limited public forum with rules and reservation processes creates a preferred right of access to the original speaker and thus limits the counter-speech rights, such as to non-disruptive protests or to counter-speech activities outside the forum. This distinction works, although defining the nature of the forum remains important and perhaps difficult. We also have to find a way to address the situation in which loud counter-protesters in the general forum (where, H&C argue, they can be as loud as they want to be) drown-out the speaker inside the limited forum.

I disagree that we should label what counter-speakers are doing here as a heckler's veto, which I believe requires government action. I agree that the attitude reflected is "'If we can’t get the government to censor the speech, then we’ll do it ourselves'", but we need a different term. The better description might be civil disobedience--these protesters are breaking the rules, although for expressive purposes, and are subject to arrest for doing so. Government's obligation, H&C argue, is to allow the speaker to go forward by removing the disrupters. And when government fails to do so, that is a heckler's veto.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on November 1, 2017 at 05:17 PM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (6)

Monday, October 30, 2017

Your Crim Pro Final

Here.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 30, 2017 at 08:06 PM in Criminal Law, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (3)

JOTWELL: Erbsen on Lahav on Procedural Design

The new Courts Law essay comes from Allan Erbsen (Minnesota), reviewing Alexandra Lahav, Procedural Design. This is a great paper and it and the review are good reads.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 30, 2017 at 02:18 PM in Article Spotlight, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (0)

Wednesday, October 25, 2017

Jews and the 2017 World Series

Some off-the-cuff baseball history.

The 2017 World Series features Jewish players on both teams--Alex Bregman for the Astros and Joc Pederson for the Dodgers. According to Bob Wechsler, author of The Jewish Baseball Card Book, this is the first two-Jew Series since 2004 (Gabe Kapler for the Red Sox and Jason Marquis for the Cardinals); the second since 1959 (when Sandy Koufax played for the Dodgers); and the fifth in history (the other two involved Hank Greenberg in 1945 and 1940).

In Game 2 this evening, Bregman is the Astros regular third baseman, while Pederson will start in left for the Dodgers. This is, as far as I can tell, the first time that both teams have started a Jewish player in a World Series game. Kapler did not start against Marquis in Game 4 in 2004, nor did the Jewish players playing against Koufax and Greenberg.

Bregman homered last night for the Astros' only run. I am trying to figure out who was the last Jewish player to homer in a Series. Greenberg hit 2 in 1945. I cannot find any homers since then. Who am I missing and when?

[Update: Naturally, we need a Halachic ruling on the last point: Steve Yeager, the Dodgers catcher in the '70s and early '80s, hit 2 homers in the '77 Series and 2 in the '81 Series (in which he won MVP), but converted to Judaism only after he retired. So he is Jewish, but was not when he hit those 4 homers. Do these count as World Series homers by a Jewish player?]

[Further Update: Pederson homered for the Dodgers’ first run of Game 2, making this the first Series with home runs by multiple Jewish players.]

[One More Update: According to Ron Kaplan, the only Jewish player to homer in the Series between Greenberg in 1945 and Bregman and Pederson this year (if you do not count Yeager) was Ken Holtzman, a pitcher for the A's, who homered in Game 2 of the '74 Series (in researching this by going through a list of Jewish players and their career stats, I did not think to look at any pitchers).]

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 25, 2017 at 05:11 PM in Howard Wasserman, Sports | Permalink | Comments (5)

Tuesday, October 17, 2017

NFLPA victim of drive-by jurisdictional ruling

The Fifth Circuit last week reversed a district court order enjoining the NFL from carrying out the six-game suspension of Dallas Cowboy running back Ezekiel Elliott because of a domestic-violence incident. I saw the story, but assumed that the court of appeals had reversed for the usual reasons that courts of appeals reverse in these sports cases--the district court had been insufficiently deferential to the arbitrator decision (see, e.g., Tom Brady and Deflategate). And because I do not write on those issues and because I do not like or watch football anymore (and my antipathy for the sport and the league grows), I did not write anything on it.

But a reaction paper from one of my Fed Courts students revealed that the Fifth Circuit issued the dreaded drive-by jurisdictional ruling. A 2-1 divided court held that the district court lacked jurisdiction because the Elliott and the NFLPA had not exhausted CBA grievance processes, which placed a claim for relief "beyond 'judicial review.'" The court stated that Arbaugh, Henderson, and other recent jurisdictionality decisions did not change SCOTUS or Fifth Circuit precedent treating exhaustion as jurisdictional in the labor context. Judge Graves dissented, arguing that jurisdiction was established when a plaintiff claims a violation of a contract between an employer and a labor organization and that the grievance procedures appeared in the CBA, not the LMRA.

Under Scott Dodson's theory (and I think Scott cracked the problem of defining jurisdiction in a principled way),exhaustion is jurisdictional, because it measures when a case can enter a court or move to a court from another body (such as an arbitration panel). But the Fifth Circuit is descriptively wrong under recent decisions and the direction of the doctrine. Very little is jurisdictional anymore, especially when it does not appear in a statute. The "beyond judicial review" language (drawn from a 1967 SCOTUS case) is the sort of loose, figurative language that SCOTUS had used and attached jurisdictional labels, without thinking through the logic or consequences of the label; this is the language Justice Ginsburg had in mind when she introduced, and argued for limiting the effect of, drive-by jurisdictional rulings. And statutory exhaustion (as under Title VII) is not jurisdictional; it seems inconceivable that a statutory requirement would not limit the court's jurisdiction, but a private contractual obligation, not required by any statute, could strip a court of its structural adjudicative authority.

The question is what happens next. Elliott's first game of the suspension is next Sunday. The NFLPA has asked the Fifth Circuit for en banc review and also sought its own TRO in the Southern District of New York (where the NFL offices are located). The jurisdictional basis for the ruling was wrong, but that does not mean that the court of appeals was wrong that Elliott failed to exhaust his contractual remedies and that the injunction should not have issued. Elliott and the NFLPA may have properly lost, just on 12(b)(6) rather than 12(b)(1) grounds.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 17, 2017 at 01:10 PM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Sports | Permalink | Comments (1)

Sunday, October 15, 2017

An overbroad defense of universal injunctions

Judge Leinenweber of the Northern District of Illinois denied a stay pending appeal of a universal (he called it nationwide) preliminary injunction barring enforcement of certain funding conditions against sanctuary cities. This is the first extended defense of universal injunctions (more than in the original order granting the injunction).  (H/T: Josh Blackman)

The gist of Judge Leinenweber's defense is that the attorney general's authority does not vary by jurisdiction. And similar universal jurisdictions have been upheld, in which relief inured to non-parties as well as parties. The court also finds support from the per curiam in Trump v. IRAP, where the Court allowed the injunction to stand as to those "similarly situated" to the plaintiffs, which matches the injunction here applying to cities and states similarly situated to Chicago. Most tellingly, the court rejected the argument that similarly situated plaintiffs can file their own lawsuits and use the first decision as precedent because "judicial economy counsels against requiring all these jurisdictions (and potentially others) to file their own lawsuits to decide the same legal question." The court recognized reasons to be "cautious" before entering such injunctions and that they should not be the "default," citing the recent work of Bray, October guest Michael Morley, and UCLA's Michigan's Maureen Carroll. He pointed to concerns for forum shopping, conflicting injunctions, and interference with law development within a circuit, then explained (in a sentence or two) why those "not insignificant concerns" do not overcome the benefits of a universal injunction in this case.

The problem remains that the argument prove too much. As Sam Bray argues, it logically requires (or at least permits and encourages) a district court to issue a universal injunction in every constitutional challenge to federal law. Because the proposed funding conditions challenged here do not differ from any federal law.  The authority of federal officials to enforce every federal law does not vary by jurisdiction. Judicial economy always favors one lawsuit over many lawsuits. There would be a flood of similar lawsuits by everyone affected by every federal law.* Federal uniformity and the unfairness of disparate application of federal are present with respect to every federal law. Despite the court's rhetorical attempt to limit such injunctions to "extraordinary" cases, every case is extraordinary as he defines it; the reasoning applies to federal immigration laws, federal regulations of immigration attorneys, and federal law regulating any conduct.

[*] The solution is supposed to be FRCP 23(b)(2) class actions. But the growth of universal injunctions makes that rule superfluous.

Leinenweber closes with a paean to the rule of law and the role of the courts in ensuring the rule of law is enforced, which is undermined (in reality or in perception) if the attorney general can enforce "likely invalid" laws against other persons even while under an injunction as to some. Several responses. That is true of every federal law, making such injunctions the norm. The rule of law also includes limitations on the scope of a district court's lawmaking and remedial authority as compared with a court of appeals or SCOTUS; it therefore is as undermined by one district judge barring enforcement of federal law as to everyone in the world in all circumstances everywhere in the world. And without saying so, it also rests on a model of pure judicial supremacy--the Article III judge has spoken and the attorney general's authority to disagree, outside of that litigation, ceases to exist.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 15, 2017 at 03:10 PM in Civil Procedure, Constitutional thoughts, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (12)

Saturday, October 14, 2017

Argument on ATS in Jesner v. Arab Bank

SCOTUS heard argument on Wednesday in Jesner v. Arab Bank, considering whether a corporation can be sued under the  common law cause of action under the Alien Tort Statute. I listened to the audio and have a few thoughts on the procedure, without getting into the substantive question of corporate liability.

The Court a good job (certainly better than four years ago in Kiobel) talking about the issues without conflating jurisdiction and merits. Everyone spoke about causes of action and the scope of the norms that are part of federal common law and can be enforced through that cause of action, without speaking about jurisdiction in a sloppy way.

Justice Gorsuch asked petitioner/plaintiff counsel what the continued point of the ATS is, given that § 1331 grants jurisdiction over claims grounded in federal common law incorporating international law. Counsel explained that the ATS is like the maritime-jurisdiction grant, a more specific grant in the Judiciary Act of 1789 through which Congress could make absolutely clear that such cases could be brought in federal court. What neither mentioned (and what you would expect Gorsuch to remember, given his Originalist obsession) is that the 1789 Act did not include general "arising under" federal-question jurisdiction, necessitating these subject-specific grants. To the extent § 1350 is vestigial or superfluous with modern § 1331, it is not alone.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 14, 2017 at 10:31 AM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (5)

Thursday, October 12, 2017

Laptops are loud

I banned laptops from my classroom beginning in January 2009 (the first semester following the faculty vote on my tenure) and my only regret was that I did not do so sooner. This was the early days of the anti-laptop push-back. A few professors (including David Cole of Georgetown) had begun identifying and arguing the negative effects, although we did yet have the empirical studies as support. In any event, it ha been about 20 semesters of teaching with no computers in the room.

In the past week, I have visited classrooms of three colleagues (as part of P&T review) who allow laptops. And boy do they make a lot of noise when 20+ students are all typing away at once. I noticed the quiet of no laptops almost immediately in January 2009. I forgot the loudness until this week.

 I know the students in the classes I observed either have in this semester and/or had in past semesters) professors who banned laptops. I remain struck and confused by how little voluntary change there has been. I keep expecting the no-laptop benefits to become so clear that students would recognize and never go back. But it has not happpened. Despite being prohibited from using laptops in Class A, more than half the students in both classes have gone back to using them when allowed to do so in Class B.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 12, 2017 at 10:31 AM in Howard Wasserman, Teaching Law | Permalink | Comments (37)

Wednesday, October 11, 2017

How far we have come, in the wrong direction (Updated)

Gyree Durante, a freshman backup quarterback at Albright College, a D-III school in Pennsylvania, was kicked off the team for kneeling during the national anthem. The team's "leadership council" had decided to kneel during the coin toss (because racial injustice is intimately associated with coin tosses) but stand for the anthem. Durante thus acted against the team decision that was an "expression of team unity and out of the mutual respect team members have for one another and the value they place on their differences."

[Updated: Upon further consideration, I must marvel at how so much anti-intellectualism and raw majoritarianism was packed into such a seemingly anodyne statement. Because the majority won, in a rout. The athlete inclined to do so was denied the opportunity to express a criticism of an aspect of American society in a meaningful way, unless kneeling or coin tosses per se mean something about racially disparate police violence. The majority deigned to allow him a small expressive token, but that token is meaningless as a message (or the message the athlete wanted to send), again unless kneeling or coin tosses say something about racism and police violence. Yet this is praised as  "mutual respect for differences."  There was no mutual respect at work here--the majority got what it wanted by prohibiting a protest around the symbol of what some people see as the social problem to be protested; Duarte got nothing of expressive consequence.]

In this article, I discussed Toni Smith, who in 2003 was a member of the women's basketball team at Manhattanville College, a D-III school in New York. During the ramp-up to the Iraq invasion (which was being sold to the public as a necessary national-security response to 9/11), Smith would turn her back to the flag during the anthem. She was not sanctioned and was supported by her teammates, coaches, and school administrators. Some fans booed or jeered and one person walked onto the court mid-game to get in her face. A Google search revealed that Smith (now Smith-Thompson) is an organizer with the NYCLU and wrote an open letter to Colin Kaepernick in 2016.

But it is striking that such protests (which I describe in the article as symbolic counter-speech, in that a person counter-speaks to a symbol through the symbol itself) draw more public anger and less support from teammates and those around the protester today than 15 years ago, on the eve of what at the time was a popular military action. That speaks depressing volumes to our willingness to protect political dissent (or at least certain forms of political dissent). Smith-Thompson suggested the difference is social media. Another difference is that President George W. Bush did not make a hobby of calling out dissenters as unpatriotic sons-of-bitches.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 11, 2017 at 10:39 PM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (7)

Against unity

Unity is the enemy of the freedom of speech.

If unity is a primary value or principle, then free speech cannot exist.  If the goal is for society (or some segment of it) to be "unified," then speech that "divides"--that undermines unity or does something other than unify--cannot be tolerated. But another word for speech that "divides" is speech that anyone disagrees with, Holmes's "thought that we hate." If the goal is unity, then ideas and speech that divide-- ideas that anyone disagrees with--can be and must be suppressed or pushed out of sight. A society that values unity uber alles has no need to protect the freedom of speech and will not protect the freedom of speech. A "united" community will not seek to suppress speech that unites everyone in agreement, only speech that divides. But division undermines unity, so that society is justified in suppressing that dividing speech.

This means that "unity" is not a neutral or benign principle. A governing entity (the NFL, the President's spokesperson, whoever)  that argues about the need for unity is really arguing that it can and should be able to suppress speech. Because those who utter divisive--i.e., unpopular or dissenting--ideas divide, undermining that goal of unity.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 11, 2017 at 09:31 AM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman | Permalink | Comments (23)

Tuesday, October 10, 2017

Argument: Hamer v. NHSC

Here is my SCOTUSBlog recap of Tuesday's argument Hamer v. NHSC. Justice Ginsburg was as engaged in this argument as I think I ever have seen her. She even had some love for the arguments of Scott Dodson (Hastings), who filed an amicus brief putting forward his theory that a jurisdictional rule is any rule, regardless of source, that places a case in one court and out of another. She asked petitioner's counsel about Scott's argument; his response was that Scott's formulation is "incorrect" because inconsistent with prior cases and the Rules of Civil Procedure, although without explaining whether or why that formulation is normatively wrong. No one else followed on Ginsburg's question.

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 10, 2017 at 10:09 PM in Civil Procedure, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (1)

Sunday, October 08, 2017

Police as prosecutors

A lawsuit in Manhattan civil court is challenging a program in which NYPD lawyers prosecute summons cases, pursuant to a delegation by the Manhattan DA. The apparent impetus for the move was that the DA generally does not send attorneys to summons court, resulting in many cases being dismissed, in turn forming the basis for constitutional claims arguing that officers lacked probable cause to issue the summons. The police department requested the delegation so it could litigate summons cases or offer a resolution would require the defendants to admit liability, barring a subsequent lawsuit. Plaintiffs claim this is a conflict of interest for the police, which violates due process, undermines the adversary system, and raises a hint of selective prosecution. Plaintiffs allege that the police are pursuing only claims against those cited while engaged in expressive activity (the plaintiffs were cited for actions during a police-reform march, and the charges against one of them were dismissed when the judge found the arresting officers' testimony contradicted by video of the events).

For you crim/crim pro/PR scholars in the audience: What is the problem here, as a legal or ethical matter? Because I do not see it. A lot seems to be about the intent of the delegation and the police lawyers' strategy--to protect officers from subsequent civil suits. But that seems like one, valid influence on prosecutorial discretion, whether the DA or its delegee is exercising that discretion. As for the focus on people cited for expressive conduct, that sounds in selective prosecution, a defense that is hard to prove and as much of a problem (or non-problem) with or without the delegation. What am I missing? 

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 8, 2017 at 11:49 PM in Constitutional thoughts, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (5)

Saturday, October 07, 2017

University of Wisconsin bans counter-speech

An intentionally provocative headline, but not too far off. The Board of Regents adopted a policy that "students found to have twice engaged in violence or other disorderly conduct that disrupts others' free speech would be suspended. Students found to have disrupted others' free expression three times would be expelled." (H/T: Steven Lubet). The  linked article contains quotations capturing both sides of this: The regent who says the policy promotes listening and that "drowning out another speaker" does not qualify as freedom of speech, compared with the student who argues that the First Amendment is supposed to be messy and contentious.

The policy is glaringly vague (what is "disorderly conduct," what is "disruption"), etc.).  I expect the university to try to clear that up in its implementing regulations. Meanwhile, I wonder if a constitutional challenge now would be deemed unripe, since the policy is not yet at the point of implementation. In any event, I do not see how the university could write regulations that are clear enough to pass constitutional muster. If the counter-demonstrating, where the counter-demonstrators outnumber and outshout the original speakers, does that necessarily become disruption? Even if listening is a worthy goal to promote, can the state give people a choice between listening (which sounds compelled) or staying away, with talking back no longer an option?

Posted by Howard Wasserman on October 7, 2017 at 02:59 PM in First Amendment, Howard Wasserman, Law and Politics | Permalink | Comments (17)