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Tuesday, November 10, 2009

Democracy as the Rule of Law

I have posted a new paper on SSRN, titled Democracy as the Rule of Law.  Here's the abstract:

This paper is a chapter for a forthcoming book, Prosecuting the Bush Administration: What Does the Rule of Law Require? The book does not debate whether the Bush administration violated the law in the course of the War on Terror and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq through such actions as torture. Rather, it assumes for purposes of debate that violations of the law occurred, and asks, if that is so, whether the rule law requires prosecution.

This contribution takes this question as an occasion to examine the tangled relationship between three essentially contested concepts: democracy, the rule of law, and transitional justice. It proceeds fairly unsentimentally, assuming that these concepts are not especially helpful as simple invocations and that they should be viewed as pragmatic rather than metaphysical goods. It makes two main arguments. The first, which many other critics share, is that transitional justice consists largely if not entirely of a pragmatic and political balance between democracy and the rule of law. It requires a consideration of what I call the “costs of settlement” - a balancing of past investments in and future costs to the stability and viability of both democracy and the rule of law. As such, both transitional justice and the “rule of law” itself, despite the latter term’s usual assumption of universality, may require different approaches and different compromises in different societies.

The second argument concerns the relationship between democracy and the rule of law. Many theorists treat these goods as distinct, if related, concepts, and tend to treat the rule of law in largely juridical terms, assuming that the rule of law demands the remedy of law, particularly in a prosecutorial form. This approach tends to miss something important. It fails to recognize that there may be a distinction between the rule of law and its implementation; and it obscures or neglects the possibility of treating democracy itself as one method of implementing the rule of law. The rule of law can be and, especially in stable democratic societies, often is implemented not just by and within the juridical process, but in the ordinary operation of the political process itself. Those critics of the Bush administration who argue that the rule of law demands a prosecutorial response to that administration’s allegedly lawless actions may neglect the degree to which the very fact of the administration’s passage out of power has itself provided a sufficient response, albeit perhaps an incomplete one. Democracy, in short, can be seen not as distinct from the rule of law, but as a form of the rule of law. I argue that, given the balance of the costs of settlement in this case - that is, the potential costs to both democracy and the rule of law of proceeding by a juridical route rather than through the ordinary political process - it may be that the democratic process has provided an adequate response to the Bush administration's alleged misdeeds, and that a prosecutorial approach would involve more costs than benefits for both democracy and the rule of law.

Comments are decidedly welcome.

Posted by Paul Horwitz on November 10, 2009 at 11:02 AM in Paul Horwitz | Permalink

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Comments

The basic analysis seems persuasive to me except for one thing: Your analysis of the situation through the lens of "transitional justice" assumes explicitly that there is widespread agreement that there has been a break with the rule of law or basic democratic norms during the Bush Administration and then considers whether the costs of prosecution are worth it. However, I think the reality is that there has not been such widespread agreement, and that many interpret the loss of the GOP to be caused by numerous other unrelated factors (e.g. weak economy, weak GOP candidate, etc.). In addition, George W. Bush could not have sought re-election for a third term under the Constitution anyway, so the loss of the GOP is not really a democratic test on his administration. If the change of parties by the election was not a clear recognition of and response to a widespread perception of a break with our rule of law, then the calculus of costs and benefits for prosecution is quite different. The risk that such a historical break from our rule of law would go not just unpunished but widely unrecognized and unacknowledged presents a huge cost to the project of democracy in that it opens the door to future similar breaks with the rule of law without consequences. In other words, I think your analysis should at least consider this other alternative before coming to a final judgment.
Tim Iglesias
USF School of Law

Posted by: Tim Iglesias | Nov 10, 2009 12:56:57 PM

Thanks for the very thoughtful comment, Tim, and for reading the paper. I think I should make more clear the point you raise here, that the election had other factors besides the war, if indeed the war was a significant factor at all. I do say in the paper that it is unclear that the result would have been the same absent the economic crisis, but I make the point rather quickly and it may escape notice. My partial response, though, is that to some extent these factors are built into the system itself, including, as you note, the constitutional inability of any person to serve more than two terms as President. On the one hand, that means that these transitional moments may not be clear referenda on the rule of law or on particular administration misdeeds; on the other, it ensures that what Jean Hampton calls "controlled revolutionary activity" is a built-in feature of the system. I think this, too, factors into the risk analysis you note at the end of your comment, although I certainly agree with you that the risks you point to should be part of the calculus.

Posted by: Paul Horwitz | Nov 11, 2009 9:33:08 AM

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