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Wednesday, November 05, 2008

Prop 8: A Look Back and the Road Ahead

I can't add anything more to all the postings about the inspiration and awe so many of us felt last night as Barack Obama won the election, so I won't try.  But, and keeping in mind that I've already posted once on Prop. 8 directly and once indirectly, I feel a need to say a few things about the result last night and the road ahead.

First, proponents of same-sex marriage rights have a right to feel an acute sense of an opportunity just missed.  A "no" vote on Prop. 8 would have been immensely influential in solidifying marriage rights in the United States, given the sheer size of California.  The near-final result is not particularly close as a percentage matter (52.5 to 47.5), but a swing of 250,000 votes would have changed the result.  Not exactly a nail-biter but close enough to regret.

Should proponents have held off on suing, or Mayor Newsom refrained from granting the licenses?  After all, the California legislature had twice passed bills granting marriage rights; in one sense, we were a Democratic governor away from winning, and winning in a way that would have blunted any judicial tyranny argument.  But hindsight is always 20-20, and I wouldn't presume to criticize the politicians and plaintiffs and lawyers who made the decision to go. (Indeed, while I don't have the chronology handy, it might have been Mayor Newsom's action that prompted the legislature to act.)   And every day of delay is a day that matters to the men and women involved: think of Del Martin, who lived to marry her partner of over 50 years only because of the court decision that Prop. 8 overturned.

What now?  The ACLU, Lambda Legal Defense and others have filed suit, as has Gloria Allred (a Loyola alum!) arguing that Prop. 8 is a major change (a "revision") to the California Constitution, which therefore required the legislature to begin the process.  I can't comment on the merits of the argument but it seems, on the face of it, a colorable one.  (These groups raised this issue when Prop. 8 qualified for the ballot but the court declined to decide the issue since it would have been mooted if Prop. 8 had lost.)  I've heard this claim being described as a long-shot but I'll let others more versed in California constitutional law comment on that.

I hope advocates don't make other, more radical claims.  I've heard people talking about arguing that Prop. 8, when combined with either the suspect class status of sexual orientation or the fundamental nature of the marriage right, requires that civil marriage be rescinded entirely, with presumably only a  non-discriminatory civil union status remaining.  The technical merits of the claim aside, I can't imagine a judge accepting it.  More importantly, that argument strikes me as a public relations catastrophe: after arguing for months about the importance of marriage it would be seen as a scorched earth policy of denying the right to everyone rather than continuing the hard work of obtaining the right for ourselves.  I can't imagine lawyers pressing this argument, and I hope they don't.

So what now?  Dale Carpenter is probably right that there won't be same-sex marriage in California for at least a decade.  The action will have to shift to other states, probably New York and some New England states, though it would be nice to see an upper Midwest or Pacific Northwest state with a progressive bent  added to the list, to de-regionalize it.  Overall, the slog will now be even slower now that California's influence won't be on the marriage-rights side for a while (it was never going to be fast, given all the anti-marriage amendments across the states).

Whether the fight should stay in the courts is a hard question.  I recently reviewed several books on same-sex marriage rights, including one by Bill Eskridge and Darren Spedale that analyzes the Scandinavian experience with legal rights for same-sex couples.  That book remarks on the (at least partially) consensus-driven nature of the campaign in those countries, and suggests that incremental, consensus-driven progress through the legislative process as a model for the United States.  I'm sure that agument will be given a new look now that the California court victory seems likely to be undone.

Finally, a personal note.  As someone who just recently married his partner I felt last night's result personally.  Despite all the rationalizations I can make, it is in fact hard to look at my fellow citizens today knowing that a majority of them that showed up to vote voted to prohibit my partner and me from enjoying the same legal approval for our relationship that they take for granted.  All I can do is be grateful for Obama's victory and the long-term promise of national healing it represents.

Posted by Bill Araiza on November 5, 2008 at 09:50 PM | Permalink

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Comments

Dear Bill,

I am so deeply sorry for (what might amount to) the involuntary loss of your marriage. Your fellow citizens owe you much, much better treatment.

Posted by: Californian | Nov 5, 2008 11:43:47 PM

Public relations disaster for which side? Aren't the anti-gay marriage folks the ones who argue that civil unions are just as good as marriage? At the very least it would get them to admit that the term "marriage" means something and that it is wrong to strip it from married couples. And, perhaps, it would actually be better in the long run if the government got out of the "marriage" business; sanctioning civil unions and leaving "marriage" to religion.

And, on a technical note, this argument might support the argument that Prop 8 is a revision, not an amendment of the California State Constitution. After all, if the effect of Prop. 8 is to deny marriage to all, wouldn't that be more likely a revision than an amendment?

Posted by: Ernest Miller | Nov 7, 2008 11:41:58 AM

I think along the same lines as Ernest Miller above: the suggestion that reconciling Prop 8 with equal treatment requires that California issue marriage licenses to no one is audacious but logically coherent, and while I wouldn't expect the justices to go for it, I do think it would provide a nice backstop to make the revision argument more compelling.

On a personal note, I agree, it's difficult just now not to take this personally. But you're right to encourage the long view. What I'm feeling now is not unlike how I felt in February when I worked like crazy to win California for Obama in the primary and lost that battle. But what I need to remember is what I've admired in Obama: his ability to keep cool and keep unwaveringly focused on the longer horizon. This was just a battle, and not the war.

Posted by: Tom Chatt | Nov 7, 2008 12:02:46 PM

Californian: Thanks for the kind words. One of the few bright spots here has been people coming out of the woodwork to offer their regrets and best wishes.

As for Ernest's point about the political calculus of the equal protection-based argument for excising civil marriage, I still think the argument is a political mistake for gay rights advocates. As I read the pro-8 arguments, they agreed that marriage was different from civil unions. Indeed, it was exactly the specialness of "marriage" that led them to argue that it has to be confined to opposite-sex couples. Of course they also argued that civil unions were equal to marriages in terms of the material benefits they conveyed. But, contra Ernest's suggestion, I would think the prop-8 forces would have no problem at all acknowledging that marriage is special and distinct in terms that go beyond material benefits. And they would probably be happy to say that that difference justifies their position on Prop. 8. I would think they'd also say that the legal argument we're talking about would destroy those symbolic benefits, and therefore accuse people making the argument of the scorched earth approach I mentioned in my original post.

Posted by: Bill Araiza | Nov 7, 2008 3:31:00 PM

The fact that marriage is special and distinct supports the argument that denying those rights is a critical violation of equal protection. The more special and distinct marriage is, the greater the violation of equal protection. That is what this argument would draw out.

Furthermore, raising this argument doesn't mean you think that marriage isn't special and distinct. I do believe that this argument does support the argument that prop-8 is a revision of the California Constitution and not an amendment. Prop-8 does conflict directly with the equal protection clause of the California Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme Court.

There are, basically, three ways to resolve this conflict:

1) Allow the equal protection clause of the Calif. Const., especially with regard to suspect classes, be amended by simple majority vote. That can't be right. What is the point of equal protection clauses if they can be overridden by a simple majority vote? I mean, really, what is the point? If the majority supports you, you don't really need equal protection, no? The clause becomes superfluous, and you can't interpret constitutional provisions to be superfluous. It is here that I think that Volokh's reasoning is spurious. I would argue that, yes, an amendment to the Calif. Const. can cut back the scope of a constitutional right. However, an amendment cannot cut back the scope of a constitutional right in violation of the equal protection clause. Sure, you can amend the Calif. Const. to restrict rights against searches and seizures for everyone. However, you cannot "amend" the Calif. Const. to restrict rights against searches and seizures only for homosexuals.

2) Follow the argument that if both elements of the constitution are to be given meaning, the gov't must only allow civil unions. This, obviously, is not a proper solution. This gives meaning to both, but destroying all marriages can't possibly be done by simple majority vote, right?

3) Require that amendments that conflict with the equal protection clause a)Be brought as revisions to the Constitution, and not amendments, and, b) explicitly address how the revision is to be interpreted with regard to the equal protection clause. So, the prop-8 folks would have to start the legislative process for a revision of the Calif. Const. as something along the lines of "Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California. Challenges to gender restrictions on marriage shall not be subject to equal protection review."

Posted by: Ernest Miller | Nov 7, 2008 4:18:21 PM

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