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Monday, October 10, 2005

Flypaper, Miers and Bainbridge

Prof. Bainbridge has been on the warparth against Harriet Miers over the last few days.  He has many objections, but a few come up again and again:

  1. She doesn't support the Federalist Society;
  2. She will vote like O'Connor on affirmative action;
  3. She isn't "qualified";
  4. Her confirmation battle won't allow conservatives their armaggedon.

I am only sensationalizing that last point a bit for emphasis.  It sort of reminds me of the now-famous "flypaper" justification of the Iraq war.   As you may recall, the argument goes something like this: when confronted by a shadowy and wily enemy force, the best solution is to send your troops out into the field and allow them - and not your civilian population - to become targets.  When the enemy attacks, you kill them.

Similarly, some conservatives have long bemoaned their inability to win the fight against the vast and diffuse liberalism of the bar and legal academy.  They've had tactical victories (Lopez/Morrison, the 11th Amendment cases; Vouchers) but in the long term they are losing the war (Raich, Casey, Atkins, Lawrence).  Despite vast disparities in force (Republican presidents have appointed 7 of the 9 members of the court) very few of the movement's ultimate goals are in immediate view.  Now, here is a chance to take the fight into the open in a fairly monumental way.  Had the President not nominated Miers, conservatives imagine a confrontation between liberal champions (Biden! Schumer! Oh My!) and conservative paladins (Luttig! Rogers Brown! Alito!).  The inevitable result would be a transformative victory.

What is at stake?  Bainbridge endorses the following except from Daniel Henninger's column:

For nearly 25 years, conservative legal thinkers have been building an argument that liberalism transformed the Court into an instrument of national policymaking more appropriate to the nation's legislative institutions. Roe v. Wade is the most famous of those policy decisions. And the most famous dictum justifying judicial policy innovation is Justice William Douglas's "penumbras formed by emanations"--from Griswold v. Connecticut.

Across these many years conservatives have been creating a structured legal edifice to stand against a liberal trend toward aggrandized federal power that began in the 1930s. Chief Justice William Rehnquist's "New Federalism," which devolves many powers back to the states, was one such example. Harriet Miers may share these reformist views, but her contribution to them is zero. Conservatives are upset because they see this choice as frittering away an opportunity of long-term consequence.

If instead the Senate had been given the chance to confirm someone who had participated in this conservative legal reconstruction and who would describe its tenets in a confirmation hearing, that vote would stand as an institutional validation of those ideas.

To recap.  Conservatives believe that the American people would reject Griswold and the post-New Deal conception of federal power and choose a vision of the Constitution that "devolves power back to the states".   They also believe that rising lawyers and law students, seeing that you can be both a movement conservative and a Supreme Court Justice, would convert to the cause.  And they are bitterly disappointed that the fight has been postponed.

It is an interesting theory.  Is it as flawed as the original flypaper thesis itself?

Posted by Dave Hoffman on October 10, 2005 at 12:27 AM in Current Affairs | Permalink

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Comments

One answer to the Bainbridge approach is that there's a school of thought that focusing on judicial appointments and court-based reform is a bad move for social movements (the old "Hollow Hope" thesis). The reason is that litigation-based strategies tend to produce only a handful of highly visible outcomes at enormous costs that would have been better spent on pushing for legislative solutions and trying to affect public opinion.

Conservatives may want their "armageddon" (as Dave colorfully puts it) but if the effect of focusing conservative attention on the Court is to expend resources on high-visibility, low-value issues, then it may be profoundly counterproductive.

Of course, perhaps the very point is that conservatives want to change the very nature of the Court from an essentially conservative (in the methodological sense) body that engages in incremental change to an ambitious one that's willing to make sweeping pronouncements based on its political predilections.

I think that with some exceptions, no matter who's in there, the various constraints on adjudication (precedent, the common-law method, the case and controversy requirement) will prevent the Court from being the kind of radically transformative body conservatives fantasize about. (After all, the New Deal they hate so much was first and foremost a legislative and executive project--the Court's role amounted to just not invalidating that legislation.)

So I get why Bainbridge et al. want to pick this particular fight, but I'm not sure this is the battle it makes the most sense for them to focus on.

Posted by: Dave | Oct 10, 2005 12:08:34 PM

Dave,

First, congrats on the Bigelow Fellowship!

Second, I'm not so sure that Prof. B's goal is limited to changing the court's jurisprudence - or even primarily aimed at that goal. Instead, the goal seems to be to mainstream and normalize a federalist conception of the constitution. The sense seems to be that if there were a hearing at which an articulate and qualified originalist nominee were to be confirmed, legal culture - which still largely shuns many of the methods and results of originalist thinkers - would change.

In any event, I tend to agree that constraints on adjudication make it hard to turn the ship of jurisprudential state quickly.

Posted by: Dave Hoffman | Oct 10, 2005 10:36:47 PM

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